Selective feminism in the “Shahbagh Model” exposes the deep-rooted issue of Awami cultural fascism (2025)

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For a decade and a half, I have argued that the specter hauntingBangladesh is not merely political, but profoundly cultural.

It is a fascism that operates not through overt force alone, butthrough the insidious suppression of dissenting voices and alternativeexpressions.

Over these years, a form of cultural genocide had taken root,where any cultural manifestation outside the deposed Awami League's sanctionednarrative was systematically stifled.

The nation's cultural landscape, far from fostering a vibrantcivic identity, had become a monoculture, a reflection of the League'sdominance.

When I first posited that addressing this cultural hegemony wasthe necessary first step in combating the broader authoritarian trend, Iencountered widespread skepticism.

Even those who opposed the Awami League politically, those whodecried the Shahbagh movement, remained, in essence, culturally beholden to thevery framework they ostensibly rejected.

This is because our prevailing understanding of intellectualism,it seems, is largely defined by the Shahbagh ethos.

Even among the few who dared to challenge this orthodoxy,figures like Farhad Mazher, known for his materialist views, remainedculturally aligned with Shahbagh, despite their political opposition.

This reveals a deeper paradox: a pervasive, if often unspoken,antipathy towards Islam, coupled with a willingness to exploit religioussensitivities for political expediency.

Their pronouncements on Islam, consequently, often betray adistorted reflection of the atheist's own desires, rather than a genuineengagement with the complexities of faith.

This dissonance underscores the deep-seated culturalcontradictions that continue to shape, and ultimately undermine, Bangladesh'sstruggle for a truly pluralistic society.

Building on the assertion that Bangladesh's struggle isfundamentally cultural, a new, equally perilous dynamic emerges: thereactionary forces that have risen in opposition to Shahbagh.

Dissecting the newreactionary forces

While the Shapla movement may have delivered a political blow tothe Shahbagh narrative, a critical caveat must be made.

These reactionary forces, often cloaked in pious rhetoric,harbor their own brand of hypocrisy, a calculated opportunism seeking powerthrough the very means they decry.

The fact is Bangladesh cannot afford a pendulum swing now,replacing one form of cultural dominance with another.

But the reality remains stark: the cultural industry, the veryheart of the nation's identity, still remains firmly in the grip of thedefeated Shahbagh forces.

Their ideology, though politically diminished, still permeatesthe mainstream, a latent threat poised to resurface in new and insidious forms.

The ongoing advocacy for women's rights can be a case in point.

For within their framework, where the League serves as theirpolitical proxy, and where the League views rape as a tool of power, such advocacyrisks normalizing the very violence it purports to condemn.

As I have long maintained, Shahbagh serves as a crucialhistorical litmus test, revealing the true character of any political actor.

Begum Khaleda Zia's characterization of Shahbagh as the"destroyer of religion," a "mob of mass murderers,"encapsulates the deep divisions that persist.

It is this very movement that has effectively transformedcitizenship and democracy into a partisan agenda, a tool wielded exclusively bythe Awami League.

Therefore, the cultural battleground must be decisively won. Toliberate Bangladesh from the League's grasp, a complete repudiation of theircultural hegemony is essential.

Because Awami League's ultimate weapon is culture, their shieldis a carefully curated image of enlightenment, and their guiding star is theiralignment with India.

This powerful nexus dominates Bangladesh's cultural landscapeand this is the harsh reality that is better to be understood.

However, the counter-narrative cannot be built on the shiftingsands of populism or the hollow pronouncements of opportunists.

It requires a profound intellectual and philosophicalintervention, a thoughtful and coherent alternative. Simplistic aesthetics willnot suffice. Even violence, as Nietzsche observed, possesses its own aesthetic.

A true counter-narrative must transcend superficiality, delvinginto the core of Bangladesh's cultural identity and offering a vision ofgenuine pluralism and liberation.

Understanding thenuances is the key

In the ongoing struggle for Bangladesh's soul, the distinctionbetween a cockroach and a butterfly serves as a potent metaphor.

To kill the former elicits praise, a necessary act of pestcontrol; to kill the latter, however, brands one as cruel, a destroyer ofbeauty.

This simple analogy encapsulates the delicate balance requiredin navigating the complex cultural and political landscape of our nation.

As I have argued, the philosophical narrative of Bangladesh'snational politics must be anchored in a robust Bangladeshi nationalism, onethat stands in opposition to both Hindutva and the insidious, Islamophobictendencies of the so-called progressive mainstream.

The 2024 uprising, a right-wing revolt, presents a uniqueopportunity.

Within this context, we must forge a democratic process thatensures the full and equal citizenship of Muslims, dismantling the entrenchedsystem that relegates them to second-class status.

The eradication of the anti-Islamic secular sphere is aprerequisite for a truly inclusive society.

This necessitates the construction of a value-based state, onethat safeguards the right of all citizens to practice their culture freely,while simultaneously rejecting fascist cultural practices that masquerade asdemocratic rights.

The urgency of this task cannot be overstated.

Furthermore, the feminist movement, despite its 54-year tenure,has failed to deliver tangible security for women.

Their selective humanitarianism, confined to the "modernsphere," has only served to reinforce the League's oppressive grip.

The absence of a broader discourse, one that acknowledges thediverse realities of women's lives, has fragmented the nation into warringtribes. This "gendered Islamophobia" has no connection to women'sprogress.

Conversely, the reactionary politics that demonize the"modern woman" as an enemy pose an equally grave threat to Islamictraditions. To build a truly just society, we must engage with women as activeparticipants, not passive subjects.

This requires a nuanced exploration of the philosophical,social, and moral dimensions of the body, breaking down the artificialdivisions that permeate everyday discourse.

The dismantling of these binaries is essential to forging aunified and equitable Bangladesh.

We have to understand that a nation's beauty is inextricablylinked to the well-being of its women and children.

A society that fails to prioritize their safety and securityforfeits any claim to genuine progress. Without their fundamental security, anypurported advancements ring hollow.

Crucially, the construction of a unified national identitydemands the cessation of all divisive forces, whether they manifest as partisanconflict or gender-based antagonism.

This is not a matter of pitting men against women, nor onepolitical faction against another. Therefore, the rallying cry must be:

"Regardless of party affiliation,

The state belongs to all."

The state must be held accountable to every citizen. It must beobligated to guarantee the security of each individual. This is the foundationupon which a truly just and equitable Bangladesh must be built.

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Rezaul Karim Rony is awriter and thinker. He is the editor of Joban magazine